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Recent Posts

  • Variation, Within and Between
  • How Academia Works After the Quantitative Revolution
  • Should you go to graduate school?
  • Right, Dangerous, and Chaotic
  • He is Risen!
  • Structural Equations — or — Translating Theories into Models
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  • Science is Real. Measurement is Real. Improvement Is Real
  • This Too Shall Pass
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  • The Progress of the Humanities
  • Predicting “Null Results,” with Science
  • Controversies in Normal Science
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  • Definitions and Progress
  • Escaping the Humanities Ghetto: Definitions and Paradigms
  • The Language of Theory, or, How to Escape the Humanities Ghetto
  • Science, Paradigms, and the Old Boy Network
  • Exemplars Around the Blogosphere!
  • Progress, Science, and Exemplars — or — when it sucks to be young
  • Review of “Inside the Red Box: North Korea’s Post-Totalitarian Politics,” by Patrick McEachern
  • Mike Tanji and Cybersecurity
  • The man who made it possible
  • Cliometrics and Cliodynamics
  • Twitter Weekly Updates for 2012-10-14
  • The Rise of the Communists and the Fall of the KMT
  • Twitter Weekly Updates for 2012-10-07
  • Review of “The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future,” by Victor Cha
  • Twitter Weekly Updates for 2012-09-30
  • Thugs and Intolerance
  • US State Department Denies Planning to Invade Canada
  • Whatever Creatures Will Be Next
  • Adoration of the Lord
  • Land Subsidies in Education
  • Review of “Takedown” by Tsutomu Shimomura and John Markoff
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  • Impression of “Life of Muhammad” Trailer
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Jan06

Science, Paradigms, and the Old Boy Network

by tdaxp on January 6, 2013 at 7:43 am
Posted In: Science, Vanity

On Facebook, Daniel Nexon pointed me to this post by Steve Saideman, titled “Lamenting The Loss of the Light, The Ebbing of Grand Theory and The Decline of Old Boy Networks.” Saideman’s post itself is a commentary on Stephen Walt‘s and John Mearsheimer‘s ridiculous article, “Leaving Theory Behind: Why Hypothesis Testing Has Become Bad for IR,” which will soon appear in the European Journal of International Relations.

Walt and Mearsheimer’s article is absurd on many levels. But I mention it for how well it reflects my post, “Progress, Science, and Exemplars — or — When It Sucks to Be Young.”

In that post, I mention that it is horrible for your career to be young in a science with loose exemplars — that is, in a field that is “non-paradigmatic” or a “revolutionary science.” The more revolutionary the science, the looser the exemplars, the more “knowledge” and “experience” are both measured in years. The less things change — the less progress is made — the less youth matters relative to years of experience.

Or in diagrammatic form:

ways_of_knowing_3

What’s bizarre is that Walt and Mearsheimer agree with me! But this makes them sad. Walt and Mearsheimer would rather political science stay as anti-youth and revolutionary as possible, so that their power and influence could remain strong:

Over time, professions also tend to adopt simple and seemingly objective ways to evaluate members. Instead of relying on “old boy” networks, a professionalized field will use indicators of merit that appear to be impersonal and universal. In the academy, this tendency leads to the use of “objective” criteria—such as citation counts—when making hiring and promotion decisions. In extreme cases, department members and university administrators do not have to read a scholar’s work and form an independent opinion of its quality; they can simply calculate the “h-index” (Hirsch 2005) and make personnel decisions on that basis.22

The second part of the paragraph is literally incoherent, attacking the use of an h-index by arguing it’s a raw count of citation. Walt and Meirsheimer seem unable to do math, and so their inability to understand even basic fractions should not surprise you. What should be surprising is they are so openly defending the power aristocracy that comes from using subjective scores and the “old boys” network!

In fairness to Walt and Meirsheimer, the intellectual poverty they confess through their incoherent ramblings is not entirely their fault. Political science has been so revolutionary, so paradigmatic, so subjective for so long that few may know what a science actually is, or even understand the terms used to describe science.

Consider this earlier passage in Walt and Meirsheimer’s article, in which the “worse than wrong” passage is intended to be uncontroversial:

Indeed, some senior IR scholars now rail against the field’s grand theories. In his 2010 ISA presidential address, for example, David Lake described the “isms” as “sects” and “pathologies” that divert attention away from “studying things that matter” (Lake 2011: 471). Thus, it is not surprising that “the percentage of non- paradigmatic research has steadily increased from 30% in 1980 to 50% in 2006” (Maliniak et al 2011: 439). Of course, one could advocate for middle range theories while disparaging grand theories, and indeed Lake does just that. The field is not moving in that direction, however. Nor is it paying more attention to formal or mathematically oriented theories (Bennett et al 2003: 373-74). Instead, it is paying less attention to theories of all kinds and moving toward simplistic hypothesis testing.

The highlighted passage, originally by Daniel Maliniak simply means that empirical research is increasing, and that non-empirical research is declining, within political science. But Maliniak, and thus Walt and Mearsheimer, bizarrely use “paradigmatic” to refer to less paradigmatic (that is, less capable of progress) fields, and “non-paradigmatic” to more to more paradigmatic (that is, more capable of progress) fields.

ways_of_knowing_2

Political science has been in the fever swamp for so long that the notion of progress as an outcome of normal science has almost entirely been lost. If Walt and Mearsheimer had their way, it might be lost, and the field simply divided into a stationary oligarchy of old boys network.

At one point in their article, Walt and Meirsheimer say that “the creation and refinement of theory is the most important activity in [social science].” This is nonsense. The most important activity in science is the prediction, control, and improvement of behavior. Theory can help, diagram can help, interviews can help, process tracing can help. But the paen to old boys network, and the nonsense that Walt and Mearsheimer try to pass off as a scholarly article, certainly doesn’t.

└ Tags: Daniel Maliniak, Daniel Nexon, John Mearsheimer, Normal Science, paradigms, political science, Progress, Revolutionary Science, Stephen Walt, Steve Saideman
9 Comments
Jan05

Exemplars Around the Blogosphere!

by tdaxp on January 5, 2013 at 7:34 am
Posted In: Science, Vanity

My post (which really is a mash-up of the philosophy of science [pdf], the job market, how academia works, and how science works) has gotten some nice attention

  • Mark Safranski lists it his in “Recommended Reading,” and
  • Fred Zimmerman lists it in his “Nimble Authors Daily“

Thanks. Now read what all the fuss is about. :-)

└ Tags: Academia, Exemplars, job market, Science, Thomas Kuhn
 Comment 
Jan04

Progress, Science, and Exemplars — or — when it sucks to be young

by tdaxp on January 4, 2013 at 9:58 am
Posted In: Science

Some people divide the ways we know about our world into two types, Science and Inquiry. Science typically refers to using falsifiable hypotheses to make predictions about the world. Inquiry refers to any deviation or alteration of this method.

ways_of_knowing_0

For the rest of this post I’m going to talk about fields in which the objective is to control, predict, and improve the behavior of some object (cancer cell, human being, State, whatever). That is the purpose for which the tool of science is most applicable.

Some people further divide Science into two types: Normal Science and Revolutionary Science. These terms from from Kuhn’s book, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Normal Science, in Thomas Kuhn’s original model, was capable of progress but governed by religious-like “paradigms.” Revolutionary Science, likewise in Kuhn’s outdated model, was capable of freedom but incapable of progress.

ways_of_knowing_1

I say “original” and “outdated” because no one — except for pretentious modern literature types, and including Kuhn himself — takes that model seriously anymore. While The Structure of Scientific Revolutions was a breakthrough at the time (because it implied that science was not completely free, and that not all science would yield progress), the feedback to the model was intense and Kuhn’s model of science rapidly improved.

Instead of two distinct types of Science, Kuhn’s revised models described any scientific field as having “exemplars,” or examples of how the best research is conducted. Some fields (like structural equation modeling, say) have exemplars which are very similar and allow creativity only within that narrow and defined space. These “Normal” fields are capable of rapid progress. Other fields (like political science, say) have exemplars which are so wide and dispirit that researchers can basically do anything they want, and progress is extremely difficult.

ways_of_knowing_2

The looser the set of exemplars, the more role there is for “inquiry” within the science. For instance, take my own field (Educational Psychology). My dissertation was a mixed methods inquiry that involved a substantive literature review that stretched back to the 1970s as well as qualitative interviews with participants. That sounds a lot like inquiry and non-science. But my methodological section involved a literature review that went only back to 1999, with most of the work having been published within just a few years of my dissertation. That sounds a lot like science and progress.

abbott_dissertation_figure5dot1

One way this matters is that in less-progressive, more scientific, looser-exemplar, fields, “knowledge” and “experience” are both measured in years. The less things change — the less progress is made — the less youth matters relative to years of experience.

ways_of_knowing_3

The worse your bargaining position as you start in life, the more you find yourself without experience in an experiential field, the harder everything is. In some antiquated and retrogressive societies, workers with poor negotiating position are even told who they may and may not marry.

Of course, it’s possible for the young to do well in less progressive fields of study, as the old may do well in more progressive fields of study. It’s just that the field is never balanced. Experience pays, and the level of progressive in the field determines how much.

└ Tags: Exemplars, Inquiry, Normal Science, Revolutionary Science, Science, Thomas Kuhn
11 Comments
Dec23

Review of “Inside the Red Box: North Korea’s Post-Totalitarian Politics,” by Patrick McEachern

by tdaxp on December 23, 2012 at 1:06 pm
Posted In: Korea

While reading Inside the Red Box: North Korea’s Post-Totalitarian Politics by Patrick McEachern, I thought a lot about my employer. Like North Korea, my employer’s history was profoundly shaped by a charismatic founder whose total control of the country is nonetheless remembered asa happy time. If he was totalitarian, he was a very effective totalitarian. His hand-picked successor has been effective at securing regime survival, in the face of fast-paced competitors.

inside_the_red_box_cover

Also like my employer, at least according to McEachern, North Korea’s leadership is best understand as representing powerful, defined, and well organized powerful institutions (or in my employer’s jargon, “orgs”). McEachern identifies these institutions as the Party, the Military, and the Cabinet. In North Korea, Kim is able to make his own decisions, but also relies on policy inputs from these three institutions. This is a “divide-and-rule” strategy, as the Government is the Cabinet can be expected to propose practical and measurable initiatives, the military can be expected to emphasize danger and thread, and the Party can be expected to support an intellectually “correct” line.

It’s not surprising that McEachern doesn’t make a comparison to my employer. After all, my employer doesn’t have prison camps or nuclear missiles! But it is somewhat surprising that McEachern does not make the obvious comparison: Mao organized China along the same lines. Like Kim Jung Il, Mao was disinterested in day-to-day execution of power: he was more interested in delegating suck work, while realizing he could never trust those to whom he delegated.

Inside the Red Box is a terrific history of North Korea was 1991 on, but is weak before that date. In this sense, it fits well with The Impossible State by Victor Cha, which is very strong for the period before 1991 but weak afterwards.

└ Tags: north korea, Patrick McEachern
 Comment 
Dec14

Mike Tanji and Cybersecurity

by tdaxp on December 14, 2012 at 6:39 pm and modified on December 14, 2012. at 6:40 pm
Posted In: Blogosphere, Software

Long time tdaxp blog friend Mike Tanji, of Haft of the Spear, has a quote prominently featured in my employer’s “year in review” video:

mike_tanji_microsoft

Congrats Mike!

 Comment 
Nov14

The man who made it possible

by tdaxp on November 14, 2012 at 4:49 pm and modified on November 14, 2012. at 4:50 pm
Posted In: Vanity

It’s impossible to walk through the halls of my employer and not feel the sense of love and loss for our friend. He was open on his blog, self-critical of his past shortcomings and open about his mistakes, and full of helpful with career advise. He was so completely unpretentious you could be in a line with him, or walking in the hallway along with him, and not realize it until it was pointed out to you. No bluster, no entourage, typically just a guy walking (or running) past on a way to a meeting, like everyone else.

 

His book is worth reading, as is his twitter stream.  I agree with Dare’s take.

Nov02

Cliometrics and Cliodynamics

by tdaxp on November 2, 2012 at 3:40 pm
Posted In: Academia, History

A good friend (and a new PhD student) asked me today what I thought of Cliometrics and Cliodynamics. To answer this, I will briefly define these fields as I understand them, describe their substantive and methodological components, and provide advise for the study of both.

Cliometrics is a form of economic history that relies on statistical analysis and data visualization. One of my favorite books, Nature’s Metropolis, is arguably Cliometric. While the methods are relatively simple (memorably focusing heavy on geovisualization of debt records), the book is a fascinating history of the United States in which the greatest impact of the Civil War was accelerating the development of the agricultural futures markets.

Cliodynamics extends cliometrics to the entire study of history. In other words, it attempts to make history a social science, instead of a school within the humanities. For instance, Chinese historians and Chinese leaders have been deeply influenced by the “dynastic cycle” in which an honest rebel band that promises a better world seizes power, creates havoc, develops excellent leadership capabilities, descends into extracting wealth from the population, puts down rebellions, and eventually falls to an honest rebel band that promises a better world.

A cliodynamist would ask, how would you operationalize that claim? What is the null hypotheses? Where you can find a body of evidence to support or disprove such a claim? What testable predictions would it make? And so on.

All of this sounds fascinating to me.

The methods of cliometrics and cliodynamics seem useful. Not the substance, but the methods.

It strikes me a very useful skill to have is to be able to measure what is happening and what has happened. Questions like, “Will this make money?” “How well-off will this make people?” and “Are they planning to kill us?” all are being asked by data-rich organizations. The cliometric and cliodynamic approaches — which both focus on rigorously giving meaning to large amounts of data — seem like an application of the same focus on measurement as psychometrics and econometrics.

Academia runs on money, prestige, and power. In different proportions so does corporate life. And government. A good way to acquire these things to do enjoy what you do, be the best in the world at it, and make money on it. If it fits your temperament, learning the substantive of cliometrics and cliodynamics seems like a fun way to learn the more useful methods of cliometrics and cliodynamics, which certainly can help you along your path.

There’s a lot of interesting things in the world. There are some useful things in the world. I think the substance of cliometrics and cliodynamics are interesting. I think the methods of both are useful. My advise for someone thinking of studying cliometrics and cliodynamics: How many times in the world do you get to do something both interesting and useful?

└ Tags: cliodynamics, cliometrics
2 Comments
Oct14

Twitter Weekly Updates for 2012-10-14

by tdaxp on October 14, 2012 at 12:05 am
Posted In: Blogosphere
  • @Aelkus Qing dynasty kidnapped Sun Yatsen in London. Perhaps Ming dynasty? in reply to Aelkus #

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└ Tags: Twitter
 Comment 
Oct13

The Rise of the Communists and the Fall of the KMT

by tdaxp on October 13, 2012 at 7:25 am and modified on October 13, 2012. at 7:30 am
Posted In: China, History

This week I read Strategy and the Chinese Civil War by my friend, Adam Elkus. The piece appeared in a special edition, “Strategic Misfortunes,” of Infinity Journal. IN a private communication, Adam told me the piece “dispense[s] with some of the CPP’s own myth-making,” which I agree with. It’s a fascinating article, and one that knee-caps the idea that Mao Zedong was particularly unusual in his knowledge of agrarian guerrilla warfare. (Mao certainly, however, was a fantastic self-promoter.)

KMT China Was A Failed State

I think I disagree with Elkus’s article in one area. Throughout the article Adam writes as if the KMT was an effective government; that is, as if China was not already a failed state by the time that Chiang Kaishek seized power. While this point does not problematize Elkus’ assertion that the rise of the Communists was result of KMT military failure, it should clarify that KMT military failure was primarily a result of KMT political failure, and not simply the result of a few bad strategic decisions.

In the rest of this post I want to take issue with several points of the KMT chronology laid out by Elkus, including

1. The “KMT” that ran mainland China between and 1949, and Taiwan from 1946-2000, is a successor to the “KMT” founded by Sun Yatsen in Beijing.
2. The KMT conducted a White Terror in mainland China in the 1920s
3. The KMT attempted to use the NRA to eliminate the Communist Party
4. The KMT embarked on the Strong Point offensive for primarily military, and not political, reasons

The [Chinese] KMT Was  Never A Secret Society


China’s defeat in the first Sino-Japanese War motivated the Qing leaders to create a powerful and bureaucratic military organized around European lines with the aid of German advisers. The 1911 revolution was not won by mass mobilization; Sun Yat-Sen’s GMD was a secret society that focused its efforts on winning over intellectuals, economic elites, and soldiers in Qing military forces. Yuan Shikai, Marshal of the Qing’s forces, defected with his elite Beiyang Army to Sun’s side and tilted the military balance in favor of the rebels. A lack of political consensus over the structure and distribution of political power helped fragment the military balance and thus create the impetus for China’s infamous ‘warlord period’.

In Chinese histories there are two political parties known as “KMT,” which Adam calls “GMD.” The first, known in simplified hanzi as 國民黨 and literally translated as National People’s Party, was a reorganization of secret societies founded by Sun Yatsen for the purpose of overthrowing the Qing dynasty and institution an anti-Manchu race war in mainland Chinese. The others, sometimes known as the “KMT” or the “Chinese KMT,” known in traditional hanzi as 中國國民黨, and literally translated as the “China National People’s Party,” was founded by Sun Yatsen in 1919-1923 with Soviet Assistance (in nearly the same time and place and with nearly the same cast as the founding of the Communist Party), for the purpose of overthrowing the Beijing Government and reconquering the foreign concessions on Mainland China.

More seriously, the and its predecessors (the Revolutionary Alliance, the Revive China Society, etc) played only a marginal role in the collapse of the Qing. The Qing collapsed because of an outbreak of racial violence (including genocide) along Rwandan lines against the Manchu minority, combined with the military coup by the Yuan Shikai. Sun, the foreign face of the intervention, was not involved.

(Throughout this article I will reference to both parties simply as “KMT.” Elkus uses the term “GMD,” based on the pinyin transliteration of the name, that was never used at the time to refer to the KMT, and is only rarely used to refer to the Chinese KMT.)

The KMT Was Incapable of Conducting a White Terror

German influence may have been eventually eclipsed by the Soviets, but German ideas still figured strongly in GMD doctrine and operations. GMD and CCP political-military commanders both had military training in Europe and received training from Soviet advisers in the Whampoa Military Academy, before the White Terror suppression of CCP forces in Shanghai and beyond by the GMD that ended their putative alliance in the late 1920s. Both the GMD and the CCP adopted political commissar systems and were strongly influenced by the Soviet idea of the party army

Adam Elkus is not alone is calling the April 12 Incident a “White Terror,” but the term “White Terror” dramatically exaggerates the scale and competency of the KMT at the time.

Here is are some comparisons of other “White Terrors”

  • April 12 Incident: 350 dead
  • Greek White Terror: 1,200 dead
  • Hungarian White Terror: 1,300 dead
  • Taiwanese White Terror: 3,500 dead
  • Bulgarian White Terror: 5,000 dead
  • German White Terror: 15,000 dead
  • Finnish White Terror: 20,000 dead
  • Russian White Terror: Tens of Thousands
  • Spanish White Terror: 200,000 dead

While the April 12 incident was aimed at destroying the urban wing Chinese Communist Party, the KMT had neither the capability or will to enforce a “terror.”

The KMT Allowed the Communists to Escape

The final encirclement campaign severely reduced the CCP base areas. The GMD’s aggressive pursuit of the Communist remnants during the torturous Long March destroyed nine tenths of CCP military power. Were it not for the onset of Japanese aggression, it is quite likely that the GMD would have completely destroyed the weakened CCP forces. The Second Sino-Japanese War not only provided breathing room for the CCP, but also allowed the CCP the opportunity to finally compete for political authority on a national scale. CCP forces infiltrated behind Japanese lines to organize the masses against the Japanese and build up a power base.

As in contemporary mainland China, the relationship between the Army, Party, and Government is ambiguous. As this is the only section of my post that deals primarily with military matters, I will refer to the armed-wing of the KMT’s State-Military-Party triarchy by its name at the time, the “National Revolutionary Army” or NRA.

The only area where Elkus succumbs to Communist myth-making is in two sentences, where Elkus claims

1. The National Revolutionary Army aggressively persued the remnants of the Chinese Soviet Republic. Thus, the collapse in Communist personnel from 86,000 to 7,000 in one year was because of successful attacks by the NRA on the CSR troops
2. The Japanese invasion for the major obstacle to the NRA destruction of the CSR in Yan’an

Both of these claims are incorrect.

First, the CSR military was composed of informally conscripted troops, the majority of whom defected as soon as they were able. The collapse of the CSR terror apparatus during the beginning of the long march thus began wave after wave of escapes, leaving the CSR to be composed exclusively of (a) a small group of fanatical believers and (b) warlords and fighters who had death sentences from the KMT that they were unable to negotiate away. The KMT’s decision to have the NRA allow the CSR forces to escape is in keeping with Sun-Tzu’s maxim to avoid a victory of annihilation, and instead allow one’s enemy a means of escape.

Second, the NRA was unable to destroy the Communists, not because of the Japanese, but because the NRA was a simply the strongest of many militias operating in mainland China at the time. The true battle was not military, but political. Rival claimants to KMT supremacy, such as the “Christian Warlord” Feng Yuxiang (and his confusingly named “KMA,” or Nationalist Army), Wang Jingwei (who may or may not have been the legitimate President of the Republic of China), and Song Qingling) (the ultra-hot widow of Sun Yatsen), and the father-and-son duo Zhang Zuolin and Zhang Xueliang (who kept Mussolini’s daughter as a mistress and later was powerful enough to kidnap Chiang Kaichek, eventually going on to the longest-serving political prisoner in recorded history) prevented Chiang and the KMT from being able to consider the liquidation of any one faction as either necessary or desirable.

The KMT Was Fighting For Bargaining Position, Not Victory

Thus, the GMD decided to embark on the Strong Point offensive, an attempt to destroy the CCP’s political apparatus to the west in Yan’an as well as the trapped CCP army in the east.[xxxi] The Strong Point offensive was based on the tenuous assumptions that the GMD had secured its conquered territory and could afford to shift its effort away from the northeast and northern theaters. It failed to finish off the CCP, even though it came close enough that the party headquarters in Yan’an were evacuated.[xxxii] By the end of the Strong Point offensive in 1947, the CCP still had its strategic base in the northeast, and the GMD had failed to fully pacify a single region or completely destroy the Communist mobile armies. The GMD’s strategic reserves were exhausted, and it lacked the resources to properly defend all of its gains. The GMD held the coastline and all of the major cities and railroads from Shaanxi to Shandong, but this counted for little as long as Communist armies remained intact.

The Strong Point offensive was founded on a political, and not military, assumption: that a partition of China was now inevitable. China in 1947 was believed to be divided by three large patrons, each with client regions

  • Britain, and her client Tibet and colony Nepal
  • Russia, and her clients Manchuria, Mongolia, East Turkestan
  • The US, and her client KMT, on the mainland and Taiwan

The KMT correctly concluded that it was inconceivable any of the major foreign powers would completely abandon all of their Chinese clients. Thus, national reunification was impossible. The KMT’s strategy at that point was to abandon attempts to reunify by force any area in the zone of a patron state, and instead attempt to consolidate the zone within the patronage of her patron, the US. The KMT also realized that time was not on its side: in the absence of a home-grown military solution, the large powers would likely partition China at the Yellow River.

Thus, the Strong Point’s assumption was not that the Communists had been defeated in Manchuria, but that the Communists were about to win a political victory everywhere north of the Yellow River unless the facts on the ground changed, rapidly.

Final Analysis

Elkus’s Strategy and the Chinese Civil War is a vital piece, in that it shatters the myth that Mao was a particularly insightful guerrilla leader, or that Communism was particularly attractive to the Chinese people in the 1930s and 1940s. It can be improved by further recognizing that the KMT, another Leninist Party, was likewise unpopular, ill-equipped, and indecisive.

└ Tags: Adan Elkus, CCP, Chiang Kaishek, Chinese Soviet Republic, CSR, Feng Yixiang, GMD, kmt, Mao Zedong, National Revolutionary Army, NRA, Song Qingling, Wang Jingwei, Zhang Xueliang, 國民黨, 中國國民黨
 Comment 
Oct07

Twitter Weekly Updates for 2012-10-07

by tdaxp on October 7, 2012 at 12:05 am and modified on October 8, 2012. at 9:30 am
Posted In: Blogosphere
  • @jaheppler Over the last seven days, my #lastfm tops are Mumford & Sons, Lil’ Wayne, and Message to Bears in reply to jaheppler #
  • Bill Callahan is the o-line coach for the Cowboys? #bearsWin #mnf #
  • “The Impossible State” is the best book about #NorthKorea I ever read http://t.co/toLwvDLp #dprk #
  • @Aelkus A good PhD program also narrows what you have patience for online in reply to Aelkus #
  • @Aelkus #DPRK grew faster than #ROK for decades. Greater political control too. Coincidence? http://t.co/toLwvDLp in reply to Aelkus #
└ Tags: Twitter
 Comment 
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